PressInfo 2002

Kopnfliktlösningens tumregler ignoreras Varje professionell expert på konfliktlösningar skulle säga att det är bättre att hålla några kanaler öppna för kommunikation med motparten än att stänga dem. En sådan expert skulle också hävda att ju mer vi vet om andra sidan – och om oss själva – desto större chans har vi att så småningom ingå en kompromiss eller på annat sätt lösa problemet. Det vill säga, om vi vill hitta en lösning. Bushregimen vill uppenbarligen inte det och övriga västvärlden &endash särskilt EU &endash verkar inte vara i stånd att kunna samla sin handlingskraft och fatta beslut om mycket mer än att kritisera Irak av en rad skäl och USA för en rad andra. Förenta nationerna, som borde vara medlare, har systematiskt marginaliserats av USA och har föga legitimitet i irakiernas ögon. Därför går vi mot krig, eftersom ett USA-krig mot Irak i verkligheten är enda planen på dagordningen,...

The Iraq issue must get out of the “zone of silence” Scholars do empirical work based on theories and hypotheses. Journalists profess to describe reality. Diplomats are supposed to know countries and policies by being present. Western embassies in Moscow were particularly important during the Cold War. This has not been so with Iraq. Generally – a word that means that there are exceptions – Western scholars seem to think that they don’t have to go there to know or form their own opinions or influence those of others. Journalists and their editors don’t seem to think that they should go there before they write their articles and editorials. Governments are under-informed since many countries either have no representations, low-level representations or cover Baghdad by shuttling in and out from a neighbouring country from time to time. This is not as it should be. Reports everywhere tell us that the...

Ignoring conflict-resolution’s rules of thumb Any professional conflict-resolution expert will tell you that it is better to keep some channels open for communication with the adversary than to close them. She or he would also argue that the more we know about the other side – and about ourselves – the greater the chance that we will eventually make a compromise or otherwise solve the problem. That is, if we want to find a solution. The Bush regime obviously doesn’t, and the rest of the West – in particular the EU – doesn’t seem able to be able get its act together and decide on much more than criticising Iraq for one set of reasons and the U.S. for another. The United Nations, who ought to be the mediator, has been systematically marginalised by the U.S. and has little legitimacy in the eyes of the Iraqis. So, we are heading for war...

One year ago, two dates punctuated a continuing cycle of violence and counter-violence: the September 11 attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, with about 3,000 civilians killed, and the October 7 start of the attack on Afghanistan, with about 6,000 civilians killed so far. How can we break out of this vicious cycle? Some days after September 11, a psychologist gave advice on CNN to parents with children asking difficult questions. One young boy had asked “What have we done to make them hate us so much that they do such things?” A mature question, unlike the answer: “You could tell your child that there are good people in the world, and evil – -“. That boy had arrived at the stage of reciprocity on psychologist Jean Piaget’s scale of child development, seeing the actions of others at least partly as influenced by our own actions (and...

Två veckor i Irak ger inte tillräcklig kunskap för att förmedla en genomgripande analys av de där rådande förhållanden. Men tillräckligt länge för att kunna verifiera den bild som så kraftfullt framförs av de individer och organisationer som dagligen upplever och brottas med mänskliga problem som annars tillkommer de mest åsidosatta utvecklingsländerna. Det är heller inte min mening att med känsloladdade uttryck försöka påverka en opinion utan mera förmedla några av de sakskäl som föreligger. Lite sanktionshistoria I mer än ett decennium har FN drivit sanktionerna gentemot Irak. Under de senaste åren har tre av FN:s högsta företrädare i Irak lämnat sina poster som protest mot orimligheten i sanktionsprogrammet. Samtliga organisationer (FN-organisationer och andra) involverade i det s.k. Oil-for-Food programmet har på olika sätt uttryckt sin negativa inställning till sanktionerna samt krävt att de snarast upphävs eller utformas på ett annat sätt. Varför? Mot bakgrunden av Iraks invasion av Kuwait...

2 uger i Irak giver ikke tilstrækkelig kundskab til at kunne give en gennemgribende analyse af forholdene der. Men det er tilstrækkeligt længe til at kunne bekræfte det billede som fremføres med kraft af de individer og organisationer, som dagligt oplever og kæmper med menneskelige problemer, som man ellers finder i de mest tilsidesatte u-lande. Det er heller ikke min hensigt at forsøge at påvirke opinionen med følelsesladede udtryk, men bare at formidle nogen af de kendsgerninger, der foreligger. Lidt sanktionshistorie I mere end 10 år har FN fastholdt sanktioner mod Irak. I løbet af de sidste år har 3 af FNs højeste repræsentanter i Irak forladt deres post som protest mod urimelighederne i sanktionsprogrammet. Samtlige organisationer (FNorganisationer og andre), som er involverede i det såkaldte Mad-for-Olie-program har på forskellig vis tilkendegivet deres negative indstilling til sanktionerne og krævet, at de snarest ophæves eller udformes på en anden måde. Hvorfor...

Two weeks in Iraq are not sufficient to acquire the knowledge necessary to produce an extensive and detailed analysis of the conditions prevailing in this part of the Middle East. It is, however, long enough to be able to verify the picture so powerfully presented by the individuals and organisations involved who fight daily for the several humanitarian issues that plague those most ignored and forgotten developing countries. The aim of this text is not to try to influence one’s opinion with emotionally charged expressions but to discuss some of the reasonable arguments concerning the “Oil-for-Food” programme. A Short History of the Sanctions For more than a decade the UN has been imposing sanctions against Iraq. During the last few years, three of the highest UN representatives have left their positions in protest against the unreasonable character of the sanctions programme. Various organisations (the UN and others) involved in the...

London – Af de 3 alvorlige krige, som USA har udkæmpet siden 1945 – Korea, Vietnam og Golfkrigen, endte en med nederlag og to uafgjort – ikke rigtig nogen strålende historie. En Irakkrig kunne på samme måde ende uafgjort. Saddam Hussein er ikke Taliban. En krig vil kræve en storstilet invasion af en engelsk – amerikansk landstyrke, som utvivlsomt ville lide væsentlige tab. Det ville også forudsætte baser og denne gang er Saudi Arabien, hovedbasen fra Golfkrigen, meget utilbøjelig til at acceptere denne opgave. Og endelig, hvad gør Amerika, hvis Saddam beslutter at anvende de frygtelige våben, han hævdes at besidde? En ting er for ham at bruge dem, hele verden ved, at han er en børste – men hvad hvis USA og England også bruger dem, de vil blive bedømt med en helt anden standard. USA blev umådelig vanæret ved at bruge napalm i Vietnam, og napalm er intet...

London – Of the three serious wars that the U.S. has fought since 1945 – Korea, Vietnam and the Gulf War, one ended in defeat and two in draws – not exactly a glorious record. An Iraq war likewise could end in stalemate. Saddam Hussein is not the Taliban. A war would require a large-scale land invasion of an American-British force that would undoubtedly suffer significant casualties. It would also need staging grounds and this time round Saudi Arabia, the main base for the Gulf War, is unlikely to agree to offer its services. Moreover, what does America do if Saddam decides to use the horrible weapons he is said to possess? It’s one thing for him to use them – the entire world knows he is a rogue – but if the U.S. and Britain uses them too they will be judged by a different standard. The U.S. suffered immense...

TFF is so much more than a website. Here we tell you about ongoing projects and what is planned. We offer insights into the daily operations of TFF and how we preserve our intellectual freedom. We are not ashamed to tell you that we need US$4 from you… Chances are that you associate TFF with its website. But TFF is more than virtual reality; we live quite an active real life, too. We are approaching the middle of the year, midsummer, and humanity lives in increasingly troubled times. It’s important to us that you know what TFF does for a better world. The highlights below reflect what goes on at the headquarter in Lund, Sweden. That is, what the two founders are doing. But the foundation has a network of some sixty associates around the world who do similar things: teach courses, do research, do peace work in war zones,...

TFF er meget mere end et website. Her fortæller vi om igangværende projekter og om, hvad der er planlagt. Vi beskriver TFFs daglige arbejde og hvordan vi bevarer vores intellektuelle frihed. Vi skammer os ikke over at fortælle dig, at vi har brug for cirka 40 kroner om året fra dig. Det er muligt, at du forbinder TFF med vor website. Men TFF er mere end virtual reality; vi lever også et ganske aktivt virkeligt liv. Vi har passeret årets midte og menneskeheden lever i stigende grad i vanskelige tider. Det er vigtigt for os, at du ved, hvad TFF gør for en bedre verden. Hovedpunkterne nedenfor viser, hvad der sker i hovedkvarteret i Lund, Sverige. D.v.s. hvad de to stiftere gør. Men stiftelsen har et netværk af ca 60 associerede rundt om i verden, som arbejder på lignende måde: underviser, forsker, laver fredsarbejde i krigszoner, kører civilsamfunds-organisationer, skriver afhandlinger,...

We had just driven the 900 kilometres-long, desert highway from Baghdad to Amman and boarded the plane from Amman to Sweden via Paris. Having lived in a free media free-zone for two weeks during our fact-finding mission to Baghdad, we eagerly grabbed The Wall Street Journal of May 28. The top headline read, Military Strategists Favor Large Iraq Invasion Force. At Least 200,000 Troops Would Be Needed to Oust Saddam, U.S. Suggests. So, they are going to bomb, to destroy, to impose their will on Iraq, the country and the people, that we have just visited? Now that we have been there, our reaction is different than it would have been had we read that headline back home in Sweden. We met a young woman in her wheelchair in Babylon, south of Baghdad. She had just been helped by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the Iraqi Ministry of Labour to...