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ChatGPT Image 9 jun 2026, 11_11_33
Er der nogen der spekulerer på om Al Qaeda-krigere har det svært med deres nattesøvn? Selv tror jeg ikke at de har nogen problemer. Efter at være blevet høje af at slagte “de utro” sover de de retfærdiges søvn, på trods af den manglende godkendelse en sådan opførsel har fra den islamiske teologi. Det er mere interessant at spørge om hvorvidt George W. Bush og Tony Blair sover godt. Hvad slags narkotika har de kunnet indtage? Ingen hulde jomfruer venter i deres himmel, og deres krigsføring er langtfra inspireret af de Augustianske principper for den retfærdige krig. Men de er dog mænd af religiøs overbevisning, og burde det så ikke være svært at slukke sin sengelampe, når man ved at man har givet ordre til en langt større slagt af uskyldige end tilfældet var ved terrordådet d.11.september 2001. I vores vestlige kultur bliver man, hvis ens handlinger ikke er i...
ChatGPT Image 9 jun 2026, 11_11_33
Do you wonder how the operatives of Al Qaeda sleep at night? No problem, I think. After swallowing the double narcotic of killing unbelievers and promised sensuality they sleep the peace of the just, despite the lack of approval for such beliefs in Islamic theology. A more interesting question is how George W. Bush and Tony Blair get a good night’s sleep. What have they imbibed? There are no virgins in the sky awaiting them and their wars have fallen well short of the Augustinian principles of the just war. Yet they are men of a religious conviction and it cannot be easy to switch off the light knowing one has given the orders for a greater slaughter of innocents that happened at the World Trade Center on September 11th, 2001. In our Western culture one is judged to be either fully engaged with one’s emotions and one’s deeds or...
ObergPhoto2cmB-W-3
Det finns goda skäl till att George W Bush vann. Omkring två tredjedelar av USA – cirka 60% av den röstberättigade valmanskåren röstade, i runda tal hälften av dem för Bush – och vi andra måste nu leva med både de ackumulerade effekterna av de första fyra åren och med mer av samma slag, och troligen värre, under ytterligare fyra långa år. Ty i George Bushs värld har Guds mandat från ovan nu bekräftats från det amerikanska folkets mandat nerifrån. Därför råder en sorts treenighet bestående av Gud, Bush och de amerikanska gudstroende. Tyvärr fungerar inget av hans politik, utom den som rör återvalet, men det tycks inte bekymra vare sig Bush eller hans anhängare. Låt oss åtminstone hoppas att Gud känner ett slags skuld genom (påstått) samröre. 1. Framkallad rädsla – “fear-ology” Huvudskälet till att Bush vann är rädsla, framkallad rädsla, där man bygger politik på att till egna...
Imagen-thumbnail-The-Transnational
Der er flere gode grunde til at George W. Bush vandt. Rundt regnet to tredjedel af amerikanerne – cirka 60% stemte og af dem omkring halvdelen for Bush – og alle vi andre må nu leve både med de akkumulerede konsekvenser af de første fire år og med mere af det samme, eller værre, i de næste fire lange år. For, i George Bush’ verden er det mandat, han mener at have oppefra fra Gud, nu blevet bekræftet nedefra af folket. Så der er er en slags treenighed af Gud, Bush og de troende amerikanere. Uheldigvis er der ingen af hans politikker, udover den for at blive genvalgt, der fungerer – men det synes ikke at bekymre hverken ham eller hans skare. Dog må man formode at Gud føler en slags skyld gennem sin ganske vist postulerede forbindelse. Frygt-ologi Den vigtigste grund til at Bush vandt er frygtologi – udviklingen...
Imagen-thumbnail-The-Transnational
There are good reasons why George W. Bush won. About two-thirds of America – about 60 % of the eligible electorate voted, roughly a half of them for Bush – and the rest of us must now live with both the accumulated global effects of the first four years and with more of the same, and probably worse, for four more long years. For, in the world of George Bush, God’s mandate from above has now been confirmed by the American people’s mandate from below. So there is a kind of trinity of God, Bush and the American believers. Unfortunately none of his policies, except that for re-election, work – but that seems to bother neither Bush nor his followers. Let’s at least hope that God feels a kind of guilt by (alleged) association? 1. Fear-ology The major reason Bush won is fearology, the building of politics on manipulation of...
ObergPhoto2cmB-W-3
Der er flere gode grunde til at George W. Bush vandt. Rundt regnet to tredjedel af amerikanerne – cirka 60% stemte og af dem omkring halvdelen for Bush – og alle vi andre må nu leve både med de akkumulerede konsekvenser af de første fire år og med mere af det samme, eller værre, i de næste fire lange år. For, i George Bush’ verden er det mandat, han mener at have oppefra fra Gud, nu blevet bekræftet nedefra af folket. Så der er er en slags treenighed af Gud, Bush og de troende amerikanere. Uheldigvis er der ingen af hans politikker, udover den for at blive genvalgt, der fungerer – men det synes ikke at bekymre hverken ham eller hans skare. Dog må man formode at Gud føler en slags skyld gennem sin ganske vist postulerede forbindelse. Frygt-ologi Den vigtigste grund til at Bush vandt er frygtologi – udviklingen af en...
ObergPhoto2cmB-W-3
There are good reasons why George W. Bush won. About two-thirds of America – about 60 % of the eligible electorate voted, roughly a half of them for Bush – and the rest of us must now live with both the accumulated global effects of the first four years and with more of the same, and probably worse, for four more long years. For, in the world of George Bush, God’s mandate from above has now been confirmed by the American people’s mandate from below. So there is a kind of trinity of God, Bush and the American believers. Unfortunately none of his policies, except that for re-election, work – but that seems to bother neither Bush nor his followers. Let’s at least hope that God feels a kind of guilt by (alleged) association? 1. Fear-ology The major reason Bush won is fearology, the building of politics on manipulation of fear...
Imagen-thumbnail-The-Transnational
TFF associeret, Albert G Milbank professor emeritus i International Ret,, Princeton University; Professor, University of California, Santa Barbara, 2002 – 2004; formand for Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. Falk har udgivet: “The great terror war”, 2003 og “Declining world order”, 2004. Se andre bøger af Richard Falk i “The 100 best books”. Den fordærvelse som udstilledes for verden i Abu Ghraib-fængslet stiller John Kerry overfor en historisk udfordring: Han må tilbyde Amerika noget som er mere politisk attraktivt end en “bleget republikaner” der søger adgang til Det hvide Hus. Det Amerika har et påtrængende behov for (eller ønsker) nu er ikke at han stiller sin kandidatur knapt en mikrometer til venstre for George W. Bush. Dette er den vigtigste præsidentvalgkamp i min levetid: Hvis vi ikke befrier landet og verden for Bush-ledelsen, er vore fremtidige muligheder uhyggelige og kan omfatte en glidning ned i global fascisme i udlandet og risikoen for...
Imagen-thumbnail-The-Transnational-1
TFF associeret, Albert G Milbank professor emeritus i International Ret,, Princeton University; Professor, University of California, Santa Barbara, 2002 – 2004; formand for Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. Falk har udgivet: “The great terror war”, 2003 og “Declining world order”, 2004. Se andre bøger af Richard Falk i “The 100 best books”. Den fordærvelse som udstilledes for verden i Abu Ghraib-fængslet stiller John Kerry overfor en historisk udfordring: Han må tilbyde Amerika noget som er mere politisk attraktivt end en “bleget republikaner” der søger adgang til Det hvide Hus. Det Amerika har et påtrængende behov for (eller ønsker) nu er ikke at han stiller sin kandidatur knapt en mikrometer til venstre for George W. Bush. Dette er den vigtigste præsidentvalgkamp i min levetid: Hvis vi ikke befrier landet og verden for Bush-ledelsen, er vore fremtidige muligheder uhyggelige og kan omfatte en glidning ned i global fascisme i udlandet og risikoen for...
Imagen-thumbnail-The-Transnational
Albert G. Milbank Professor of International Law Emeritus, Princeton University; Visiting Professor, UCSB, 2002-2004 and Chair, Board, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. Falk is the author, of The Great Terror War (2003) and Declining World Order (2004). See other books by Richard Falk in “The 100 Best Books” The depravities displayed to the world at Abu Ghraib prison pose an historic challenge to John Kerry: He needs to offer America something more politically attractive than ‘a pale Republican’ seeking entry to the White House. Subtly positioning his candidacy but a micro-meter to the left of George W. Bush is not what America urgently needs (or wants) now. This is the most important presidential election of my lifetime: Unless we rid the country and the world of the Bush leadership, our future prospects are grim, and could include a slide toward global fascism abroad and the risk of a police state at...
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Albert G. Milbank Professor of International Law Emeritus, Princeton University;Visiting Professor, UCSB, 2002-2004 and Chair, Board, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.Falk is the author, of The Great Terror War (2003) and Declining World Order (2004).See other books by Richard Falk in “The 100 Best Books” The depravities displayed to the world at Abu Ghraib prison pose an historic challenge to John Kerry: He needs to offer America something more politically attractive than ‘a pale Republican’ seeking entry to the White House. Subtly positioning his candidacy but a micro-meter to the left of George W. Bush is not what America urgently needs (or wants) now. This is the most important presidential election of my lifetime: Unless we rid the country and the world of the Bush leadership, our future prospects are grim, and could include a slide toward global fascism abroad and the risk of a police state at home. The precariousness of the situation...
ObergPhoto2cmB-W-3
See PressInfo 195 as a background to this PressInfo This PressInfo in Swedish This PressInfo in Danish There is a long-term background and some root causes behind the emerging peace-keeping failure in Kosovo. Media and politicians tend to forget them because they were ignored during the 1990s and do not fit the standardised image of the conflict. In this analysis, TFF’s director who has been engaged in Kosovo since 1991 discusses some of the most important among those causes. In passing, he also points out how an allegedly “prestigious” NGO such as the International Crisis Group serves as a biased NEGO, a NEar-Governmental Organisation, and continues to offer perspectives and proposals that will make things worse in the Balkans. It’s the beginning of the end Slowly but surely – and sadly – the efforts of the international community to create peace in Kosovo/a are coming to an end in spring...
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