PressInfo 2005

Denne PressInfo på engelsk og svensk Over hele verden tales der meget om boykot af amerikanske produkter. Specielt i Tyskland og Frankrig synes folk efter den ulovlige invasion af Irak at være meget mindre tilbøjelige til at købe amerikanske produkter. Det er interessant, at der ikke tales om at boykotte engelske eller britiske produkter, men der tales meget om Israel. Baggrunden er den vellykkede aktion mod apartheid regimet i Sydafrika, mod Deutsche Shell i Nordsøen og mod den franske atomprøvesprængning i Polynesien; alle som del af den politiske scene i 1990erne. Der er nu mulighed for en genoplivning ! Nogle af de mange faktorer og forhold, der skal overvejes En komplet boykot ville omfatte amerikanske forbrugsvarer, fra film, Coca Cola, McDonalds til biler og brændsel, kapitalvarer af enhver slags, især militært udstyr, finansvarer som dollars, ved i stedet at bruge Euro og Yen etc. til at sætte priser, indgå kontrakter, til turismen og...

 Denne PressInfo også på dansk og svensk There is much talk of boycott of US products all over the world, and, particularly in Germany and France, people seem much less inclined to buy US products after the illegal invasion of Iraq. Interestingly, there is no talk about boycotting English or British products, but much talk about Israel. The backdrop is the successful action against the apartheid regime in South Africa, against Deutsche Shell in the North Sea, and against the French nuclear testing in Polynesia; all as parts of the political scene of the 1990s. There is space for revival! Some of the many factors and dimensions to consider A complete boycott would cover US consumer goods, from movies, Coca Cola-McDonald to cars and fuel, capital goods of all kinds particularly military hardware, finance goods like dollars, using Euros, Yen etc. to denominate prices, for contracts, for tourism, also avoiding US credit card companies, and divesting from US bonds and stocks, demanding that governments do not buy and that corporations divest from US firms, starting...

The culture wars are still on — and heating up on the family front. Yet even now, progressives are more comfortable talking about what’s right or wrong in “public” life — the widening gap between rich and poor, the immorality of an unnecessary war, policies ignoring global warming. But family relations directly influence what people consider normal and moral in all relations — public as well as private. Progressives cannot let reactionary fundamentalists continue to dominate public discussion of “private” life and “family” values. We cannot build a healthy democracy on a foundation of authoritarianism and intolerance. Family relations affect how people think and act. They affect how people vote and govern, and whether the policies they support are just and genuinely democratic or violent and oppressive. Slogans like “traditional values” often mask a family “morality” suited to undemocratic, rigidly male-dominated, chronically violent cultures. They market a “traditional family” where...

Where democracy, safety and justice begin   PressInfo # 221  April 28, 2005 By Riane Eisler, TFF Associate*   The culture wars are still on — and heating up on the family front. Yet even now, progressives are more comfortable talking about what’s right or wrong in “public” life — the widening gap between rich and poor, the immorality of an unnecessary war, policies ignoring global warming. But family relations directly influence what people consider normal and moral in all relations — public as well as private. Progressives cannot let reactionary fundamentalists continue to dominate public discussion of “private” life and “family” values. We cannot build a healthy democracy on a foundation of authoritarianism and intolerance. Family relations affect how people think and act. They affect how people vote and govern, and whether the policies they support are just and genuinely democratic or violent and oppressive. Slogans like “traditional values”...

The Burundians want justice and peace. A study done by Observatoire de l’Action Gouvernementale (OAG ) shows that 83% of the population want a TRC to be created, 82% want a special tribunal for crimes against humanity. Burundi has demobilised the majority of its fighters and former child soldiers are being cared for. Refugees have returned home. Leaders in exile return, former rebels form parties. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission has been decided. These and other step towards peace are huge – given the history and situation of the country (2). But, alas, the peace process itself costs money and requires many types of independent expertise.   Why does the international community let Burundi down? People walking the road to peace should be rewarded. But where in this world shall Burundi’s government and NGOs find the human assistance and the peace aid to meet all the Arusha goals in time?...

Development aid aims to raise the living standards of the poorest. Parties at war are sure to obtain what could be called war aid – i.e. weapons, ammunition, and training – from governments and arms dealers. Post-war countries may receive peacekeepers, reconstruction and humanitarian aid. What is missing is peace aid. Peace aid increases the chances that the other types of aid will bring normalization. What is peace aid? Peace aid focuses on the human dimensions of violence, the hatred, the wounded souls. It empowers local civil society to monitor a peace process and train people in reconciliation and non-violent conflict-resolution – i.e. future violence prevention. It supports the development of new schoolbooks, a fair and healing account of history and, above all, a culture of peace. Peace aid does exist in today’s NGO community, but it is the weakest link of all and governments generally don’t appreciate its vital importance. It’s about learning how...

Utvecklingsbistånd syftar till att höja levnadsstandarden för de fattigaste. Parter som befinner sig i krig kan vara förvissade om att de få något som skulle kunna kallas krigsbistånd, dvs vapen, ammunition och utbildning från regeringar och vapenhandlare. Efterkrigsländer kan få fredsbevarare, återuppbyggnadsbistånd och humanitärt bistånd. Men det som saknas är fredsbistånd. Fredsbistånd ökar chanserna att de andra typerna av bistånd ska medföra en normalisering. Vad är fredsbistånd? Fredsbistånd inriktar sig på de mänskliga dimensionerna av våldet, hatet, de sårade själarna. Det ger kraft åt det lokala civila samhället att övervaka en fredsprocess och utbilda folk i försoning och konfliktlösning utan våld – dvs framtida hinder mot våld. Det ger stöd åt att utveckla nya skolböcker, en rättvis och läkande redogörelse för historien och, framförallt, en fredskultur. Fredsbistånd finns faktiskt i dagens samfund av frivilligorganisationer, men det är den svagaste länken av alla och regeringar uppskattar i allmänhet inte dess livsviktiga betydelse. Det handlar om...

Udviklingshjælp gives for at hjælpe til at højne de fattiges levestandard. Krigsførende kan være sikre på at få, hvad man kunne kalde “krigshjælp” eller militærbistand, i form af våben, ammunition og træning fra både regeringer og våbenhandlere. Lande der har været i krig, kan regne med at modtage fredsbevarere samt genopbygnings- og humanitær hjælp. Hvad der mangler er “fredshjælp”. Fredshjælp er en indsats, der kunne øge chanserne for at de andre hjælpeinsatser vil lede til normalisering. Hvad er fredshjælp? Fredshjælp fokuserer på den menneskelige dimension af vold og had og på de sårede sjæle. Den lader de lokale civile samfund få magt til at overvåge en fredsproces og den uddanner mennesker til forsoning og ikke-volds konfliktløsning – med andre ord, fremtidig voldsforebyggelse. Den støtter udvikling af nye skolebøger, en retfærdig og helende historiefortælling og, fremfor alt, en ny fredskultur. Fredshjælp findes i dag i NGO’ers arbejdsformer, men den forbliver det allersvageste led, fordi regeringer...

Aftalen foreskrev også at en sandheds- og forsoningskomite (TRC) og en international komite for retslige undersøgelser (ICJ) oprettes inden et valg kan afholdes. Burundierne ønsker retfærd og fred. Et studie gjort af “Observatoire de l’Action Gouvernementale” (OAG), viser at 83% af befolkningen ønske at en TRC skal oprettes, og 82% ønsker en specialdomstol til behandling af forbrydelser mod menneskeheden. Burundi har demobiliseret hovedparten af sine krigere, og tidligere børnesoldater bliver hjulpet til et civilt liv. Mange flygtninge er kommet hjem og ledere i eksil vender også tilbage. Tidligere rebeller opretter partier. Man har besluttet at oprette en sandheds- og forsoningskomite. Disse og andre skridt hen imod fred er enorme, hvis man tager landets historie og situation i betragtning. (2) Men desværre, selve fredsprocessen koster penge og kræver megen forskellig og uafhængig ekspertice. Ja, den kræver fredshjælp udefra. Man får det ikke.   Hvorfor lader det internationale samfund hånt om Burundi?...

Burundierna vill ha rättvisa och fred. En studie som utförts av Observatoire de l’Action Gouvernementale (OAG) visar att 83% av befolkningen vill att en försoningskommission ska upprättas, 82% vill ha en särskild tribunal för brott mot mänskligheten. Skulle du läsa dette just nu om du inte hade nytta av det? Få fler kvalitetsartiklar ifrån TFF i framtiden Burundi har demobiliserat majoriteten av sina stridande soldater och tar hand om barnsoldater. Flyktingar har återvänt hem. Ledare i exil återvänder, före detta rebeller bildar partier. Ett beslut om en Sannings- och försoningskommission har fattats. Dessa och andra steg mot freden är väldiga – med tanke på landets historia och situation (2). Men, tyvärr, själva fredsprocessen kostar pengar och kräver många typer av oberoende expertkunnande.   Varför överges Burundi av det internationella samfundet? Folk som slår in på fredens väg borde belönas. Men var i denna värld ska Burundis regering och frivilligorganisationerna hitta...

By whom, one might humbly ask, by what circles? It is true that mainstream media often describe the ICG as prestigious or well-respected. People who are not too familiar with politics and conflicts may go for the names and public relations of an organisation, and in those terms, ICG is certain world-leading, in spite of the fact that virtually all the top names are “have-beens”. However, professionals in conflict-analysis, -resolution and peacemaking may find reasons to question the image ICG promotes of itself. In what follows, the focus is on general status and connections as well as on intellectual/research pertaining to a couple of conflicts – thus not excluding that Crisis Group may do better work elsewhere.   Non-governmental? Independent? A visit to Crisis Group’s website reveals that 40% of its funds come from governments: Agence Intergouvernementale de la francophonie, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, the Czech Republic, Holland, Finland, France,...

Summary: From “Only one solution” towards democracy and peace  Kosovo Solution Series # 10    PressInfo # 218  April 7, 2005 By Aleksandar Mitic, TFF Associate & Jan Oberg, TFF director   Kosovo is moving up again on the international agenda. The time to think about the framework, the alternatives and the consequences of the talks on the future status of Kosovo is now. Despite the highly unlikely possibility that Kosovo will be able to achieve in the next few months the key standards necessary to initiate the final status talks, it would be gullible to believe that these criteria will not be once again downsized, shrunk to fit the path to the status talks. Pro-Albanian lobbyists such as the International Crisis Group, Richard Holbrooke and various US members of Congress argue that “independence is the only option.” However, this option can also be seen as unjust, dangerous, archaic and...