PressInfo #71 – Procitajte Rezoluciju 1244 UN-a i posmatrajte sta NATO radi na Kosovu

Jeste li procitali Rezoluciju 1244 Saveta bezbednosti UN-a o miru na Kosovu? Pa, ne moze se bas reci da je koherentna. Kad bi uputstvo za rukovanje vaseg kompjutera imalo tako brojne nejasnoce i protivrecnosti, pa jos kad bi mu i nekoliko desetaka stranica bilo istrgnuto, izvesno je da bi vam se operativni sitem neprestano rusio i zapinjao a mislim da je upravo to ono sto ce se dogoditi NATO-u na Kosovu. Medjutim, ova Rezolucija je IPAK dovoljno jasna u svojim osnovnim crtama pa ce nam dozvoliti da se posle evo, prve nedelje NATO-ovog kosovskog mirotvorstva zapitamo sta se to uopste tamo dogadja? kaze direktor TFF-a, Jan Oberg. U ovoj i u sledecoj informaciji (Pres Info # 72) mozete pratiti analizu nekih od vec uocenih ociglednih problema.

  1. REZOLUCIJA 1244 JE NEUSAGLASENA I NEDORECENA

Rezolucijom se osudjuje svako nasilje lokalnih strana umesanih u sukob dok ona istovremeno ne sadrzi ni najblazi oblik spomena izuzetno brutalnog ubijanja koje je izazvao NATO niti se pak bilo sta govori o unistavanju zemlje od 12 miliona stanovnika. U njoj se izrazava spremnost da se razresi humanitarna kriza sto je za svaku pohvalu ali se ni jedna rec ne izgovara o sukobu koji lezi u njenoj osnovi niti se spominje gradjanski rat koji je Kosovom besneo izmedju februara 1998. i 24. marta ove godine.

Rezolucijom se doduse reafirmise suverenitet i teritorijalni integritet Savezne republike Jugoslavije ali u njoj nisu objasnjeni ni postupci ni modaliteti na osnovu kojih ce civilna i bezbednosna uprava moci da operativno ispostuje taj njen suverenitet i njen integritet.

Dalje o istom, istovremeno se dopusta (Clan 11) da civilno prisustvo bude zaduzeno da unapredjuje uspostavu, a sve do konacnog resenja, znacajnog stepena autonomije na Kosovu, u celini uzimajuci u obzir anekse 1 i 2 Sporazuma iz Rambujea. Na taj nacin, od SAD-a izmanipulisani diktat iz Rambujea mozda jedna od najsramnijih epizoda savremene diplomatske istorije biva krisom uguran i u ovaj tekst, sto protivureci onome sto je bilo dogovoreno s Beogradom. Da stvari budu jos gore, isti Clan 11 f) spominje omogucavanje politickog procesa zamisljenog tako da se utvrdi buduci status Kosova, uzimajuci u obzir sporazum iz Rambujea. Ovakvom formulacijom moze se a tako ce se zaista i dogoditi opravdati postupak na uspostavljanju nezavisnog Kosova; istini za volju, tesko je i zamisliti da ce NATO jednog dana napustiti pokrajinu jednostavno je vracajuci Beogradu na upravljanje, pogotovo s obzirom na ogromna dosadasnja ulaganja i na skoro bezgranicno nepoverenje i mrznju koje danas vladaju izmedju Srba i Alnbanaca posle svega sto se u medjuvremenu dogodilo.

Rezolucija sadrzi zaista minimalnu kolicinu operacionalizacije, tj. odredaba koje govoreo tome ko sve treba da uradi sta, kako i kada. Od organizacija spominje se jedino NATO, ne OEBS, ne UN niti neka ne-vladina organizacija. Tokom procesa G8, SAD i NATO iznenada su odlucile da vojno prisustvo sa 28.000 (iz vremena Rambujea) povecaju na 48.000 vojnika a da nisu za to ponudili nikakvo logicno objasnjenje, dok sama Rezolucija cak ni ne spominje nikakav konacan broj vojnika. Ni samo civilno prisustvo, njegova velicina, nivo, vodece agencije u njegovom sastavu, nista nije precizirano. Sve ovo otvara beskonacne mogucnosti za unutrasnja trvenja i prepirke izmedju brojnih organizacija oko njihovog pojedinacnog ucesca, ovlascenja, komandovanja i podele posla dok se u isto vreme Rezolucijom naglasava vaznost brzog ranog rasporedjivanja efikasnog prisustva. U samoj sustini, celokupni civilni aspekt citave misije samim tekstom Rezolucije doveden je u inferioran polozaj.

  1. U REZOLUCIJI NE POSTOJI NIKAKVA MIROVNA STRATEGIJA

Ljudska prava su spomenuta samo u jednoj kratkoj recenici. Ni jedna rec ne ukazuje u pravcu civilnog drustva, psiholoske pomoci, neme ni pomena o nekim na pr. Komisijama za utvrdjivanje istine (kakve su posle sloma aparthejda bile aktivne u Juznoj Africi da bi se razotkrili zlocini koje su cinile obe strane i tako kolektivnu krivicu zamenilo individualnom. Prim. Prev.), ili nesto o tome kako bi mediji mogli da pomognu da se siri govor tolerancije da bi zamenio govor mrznje. Covek se ne moze oteti utisku da oni koji su srocili nacrt ovog dokumenta nemaju blage veze o psihologiji ljudi, o traumama, o miru i obrazovanju iz oblasti ljudskih prava ili bilo cemu slicnom i da im uopste nije jasno kako se kod sukoba, nasilja i MIRA (da upotrebimo samo jednostavne termine) u zizi dogadjanja nalaze upravo LJUDI.

Tako eto, i ovaj put, oni koji donose odluke i koji poseduju moc mogu vojnim sredstvima da urade sve sto pozele. Tehnologija im pruza privid vlastite svemoci. Kad treba da resavaju probleme izmedju ljudskih bica, ili da se izbore za mir kao viziju boljeg buduceg zajednickog zivota, onda nas najcesce preplavi njihova potpuna nepismenost na polju resavanja sukoba i mirotvorstva.

Uz sve sto je dosad propusteno trebalo bi da se zapitamo: Zar nam ova Rezolucija posredno ne otkriva kako vise niko ne veruje u mogucnost miroljubivog suzivota Albanaca i Srba? Ako je to tako, onda se zapitajte da li je bas to ono sto je istinsko mirotvorstvo trebalo da omoguci?

  1. KORAK ZA KORAKOM, SINHRONIZACIJA

Prema diktatu SAD-a, NATO-a i G8 najpre jugoslovenske snage treba da se povuku, onda prestaje bombardovanje a tek onda ulaze medjunarodne snage. Kad NATO ne bi usao korak iza jugoslovenskih trupa koje izlaze to bi sigurno i savim predvidivo stvorilo vakuum koji bi a) iskoristila OVK da se prva uvuce unutra i da zatim b) ubedi sve ne-Albance da se odmah isele. I bas je to ono sto se jeste dogodilo. Da li neko zbilja od nas ocekuje da cemo poverovati kako NATO nije bio u stanju da sve ovo predvidi? Zbog cega je sve uradjeno bas tako kako je uradjeno? Jedna bi pretpostavka mogla biti zato da bi se umanjio rizik od mogu„eg otvaranja vatre po NATO trupama dok budu ulazile. Ili, da se izrazimo jos prostije: bolje je dozvoliti da desetine hiljada kosovskih Srba budu prisiljeni da se isele iz svojih kuca nego rizikovati jedan jedini zivot NATO-ovog vojnika.

Aneks 2 tacka 4 Rezolucije SB 1244 tvrdi kako sigurnosno prisustvo treba da uspostavi bezbedno okruzenje za sve ljude na Kosovu. No barem 30.000 srpskih civila je vec otislo – pod NATO-ovom mirovnom misijom i zastitom, pa stoga misija ni u ovako ranoj fazi VEC NIJE USPELA da ispuni svoj osnovni zadatak.

  1. SASTAV MIROVNIH SNAGA TRI PROBLEMA

Vodece NATO drzave su na Kosovo jednostavno uvele one trupe koje su jos ranije bile nagomilane u susednim zemljama. Rezolucija 1244 medjutim ovlascuje Drzave Clanice i odgovarajuce medjunarodne organizacije da uspostave medjunarodno bezbednosno prisustvo. To je, sasvim jasno, samo jos jedno od ponizenja koje je UN morao da proguta: cinjenica da nisu UN te koje su okupile, niti su makar bile konsultovane o sastavu takozvanih mirovnih snaga, onih koje bi trebalo da operisu na osnovu rezulucije Ujedinjenih Nacija. No, to ne znaci da su SAD/NATO ovlasceni da monopolisu taj proces. U principu, sve drzave clanice mogu da daju svoj vlastiti doprinos.

A ovo nas dovodi i do ozbiljne diplomatske konfrontacije sa Rusijom u koju su se SAD same uvukle. Ni najmanje nije sporno da je jedino zahvaljujuci ruskom posredovanju uopste bilo moguce postici sporazum s Beogradom. Bez obzira na sve to, SAD uporno odbijaju da daju saglasnost na uspostavu ruske zone, dok je istovremeno NATO razdelio i okupirao citavu pokrajinu a da o tome ni Ruse ni bilo koga drugog nije nista pitao. Zvanicni stav je da ukoliko bi se dozvolilo da Rusi uspostave posebnu zonu tada bi se tamo sjatili Srbi pa se Albanci ne bi osecali dovoljno sigurno. (Cinjenica je i da OVK javno tvrdi da se nece razoruzati ukoliko Rusi ne odu.)

Sve ovo je zaista krajnje cinicno. Iste one drzave koje se kriju iza ovog argumenta tokom 78 dana su sistematski unistavale srpsko-jugoslovensko drustvo, citavu srpsku domovinu i Kosovo koje Srbi smatraju kolevkom svoje nacije. Oni sad smatraju kako bi Srbi trebali, zdravo za gotovo, da se pod njihovom zastitom osecaju sigurno jer su eto, bili bombasi pa sad vise nisu – sad su mirotvorci. Isto kao ranije u Hrvatskoj i u Bosni i ovom prilikom se svako moze uveriti kako SAD i medjunarodna zajednica primenjuju razlicita pravila od slucaja do slucaja i kako ne-srpskim gradjanima i civilima po pravilu ukazuju povoljniji pristup i tretman.

Podela na zone i komandovanje predstavljaju treci problem: Aneks 2.4 glasi medjunarodno bezbedosno prisustvo uz znacajno ucesce Organizacije severno-atlanskog saveza (NATO) mora biti rasporedjeno pod jedinstvenom komandom i nadzorom. Nigde se ne kaze pod NATO-ovom komandom. I zaista, da su sve zainteresovane drzave bile na demokratski nacin konsultovane mogla se uspostaviti jedinstvena komanda sastavljena od generala i iz NATO-a i iz neutralnih drzava, ukratko receno saradnja kojom bi se odalo duzno priznanje svim drzavama koje daju svoje ucesce. Jos jedan put su SAD i NATO samosvesno i svemocno resili da sva ovlascenja prisvoje iskljucivo za sebe. U pozadini podijuma novouspostavljenog Pres-centra u Pristini stoji istaknut jedino NATO-ov amblem nema ni jedne jedine reci ili naznake iz koje bi se dalo zakljuciti kako i druge zemlje, Svedska na primer, mozda takodje ucestvuju, ili da bi se moglo cak i naslutiti kako je to misija pod okriljem UN-a.

Nepristrasni mediji bi vec postavljali nezgodna pitanja o supljim argumentima kojima se sve ovo brani i o cinjenici da na dosad ponudjenim brifinzima dominiraju politika Stejt Departmenta i NATO-a. Isto bi postupio i svako onaj ko NATO-ovu propagandu ne prihvata za bogomdanu istinu i ko nije oboleo od autocenzure. U zemljama demokratske demokratije komentatori, urednici, eksperti i politicari bi o svemu ovome otvoreno razgovarali. U zemljama narastaju„e autoritarne demokratije jasno je da ne bi.

Zamislite samo, za promenu, da su ova tri problema bila resavana kroz konsultacije a ne svrsenim cinom i marginalizacijom vodecih ne-NATO drzava. Zamislite da se resenje naslo pre nego sto su Rusi usli sa severa a NATO s juga. Ukratko, zamislite samo da NATO jeste demokratska organizacija kako u svojim unutrasnjim odnosima tako i u spoljnim poslovima.

Zar to ne bi bilo na liniji onih samoproglasenih lidera koji za sebe tvrde da govore u ime citavog sveta, citave medjunarodne zajednice? Kad bi oni to zaista bili kaze Jan Oberg, oni bi se konsultovali s drugima umesto sto samovoljno kasape drzave i okupiraju teritorije u ime tog istog sveta i svetske zajednice. Istina je medjutim, da kad bi oni govorili u ime medjunarodne zajednice i da na svetu postoji jedinstvo oko nacina kako postupati sa ovakvom krizom mi bi vec imali UN-ovu misiju, UN-ovu prisustvo i UN-ov postupak za razresavanje sukoba. A bas to je ono sto se ovi lideri koji predstavljaju svega oko 10 posto svetskog stanovnistva tako zestoko trude da izbegnu.

© TFF 1999

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