NATO ekspanderer. Selvom de militære udgifter årligt falder nogle få procent, så øger den ny teknologis slagkraft; atomvåbenindustriens forskere og arbejdere trues ikke af arbejdsløshed og social misére. USA alene står for et budget pågodt 250 milliarder dollar, og verdens samlede militærudgifter svarer til årsindkomsten for de 49% fattigste på jorden.

Tyskland ekspanderer. Engang forstod man at et forenet Tyskland måtte være neutralt. Men Gorbatjov, der forærede Vesten Sovjetunionens og Warszawapagten opløsning i den tro at han ville få noget igen, serverede også et forenet Tyskland i NATO på en sølvbakke. Delvis atomnedrustning og det russiske forsvars sociale og militære nedrustning fulgte. Triumfalistiskt udråbte Vesten sig til den kolde krigs sejrherre.

Det samlede Tysklands første markante udenrigspolitiske skridt var at splitte Jugoslavien. Bevidst om at re-militariseringen måtte gå langsomt begyndte man med infirmerier i Bosnien. Nu blir den tyske stabilitetsfremtvinger dernede mere militant — hvad der måske kan ses som et naturligt led i den stedse bredere og dybere tysk-franske konventionelle og atomare militærintegration. Nogle kommer nok at tænke på Tom Lehrer’s profeti fra 60-erne at “one of the fingers on the Button will be German.”

USA ekspanderer. I det Bush-Clintonske verdensbillede var og er Saddam Hussein en Muhammeds gave til Vesten. Hvis han ikke var så styrtende rig allerede, ville han formodentlig være på CIAs lønningsliste, for udover at spille rollen som elsket fjende hjælper Saddam os med at holde Irans fundamentalisme, der i ikke ubetydeligt omfang er et resultat af amerikansk-vestlig politik siden 1953, på komfortabel afstand. Samtidig skaber det FN-sanktionerede folkedrab på over 500 000 sagesløse irakere naturligtvis et bundløsthad mod Vesten i generationer fremover — godt at NATO ekspanderer og dæmmer op for trusler af dén art.

Som om Jugoslaviens sammenbrud ikke var galt nok, fumlede EU og derpå USA så meget i krisehåndteringen at NATO-SFOR blev nødvendig. NATO ekspanderer geografisk gennem USAs dominerende indflydelse i Kroatien, Federations-Bosnien, delvist i Kosovo, i Albanien, og i Makedonien og gennem amerikansk ledelse i Daytonprocessen og SFOR, i OSCE, i UNTAES og i Brcko-voldgiften. Det sker på EU’s men også på FN’s intellektuelle, moralske, politiske og militære bekostning, så FN nu står for “Forenede Nato”. NATO ekspanderer altså i takt med at militær-humanitære og andre interventioner legitimeres.

Hér kan Danmark være stolt af at have oprettet en brigade, der vækker international beundring for sine indsatser for Baltikum og på Balkan, samtidig med at en rimeligt selvstændig dansk (eller for den sags skyld nordisk) analyse, politik og mæglingsindsats vedrørende Balkan lyser med sit fravær på sjette år.

Den seneste NATO-ekspansion i rækken omfatter Polen, Tjekkiet og Ungarn. De næste vil sikkert omfatte Slovenien, Kroatien og Makedonien samt — hvorfor ikke med tiden? — Kaukasus. Sverige og Finland positionerer sig i disse år for de facto integration, omend officielt ikke for de jure medlemsskab. Men jo flere der kommer ind, jo flere vil føle sig tvunget at komme — “udviklingen” er uafvendelig, beslutningerne nødvendige og den “valgte” handlingsvej uigenkaldelig.

NATO er imidlertid en intellektuel og moralsk papirtiger. Såvidt man forstår findes der tre grunde til at NATO skal ekspandere: 1) det skal NATO fordi NATO har besluttet det, 2) trylleformularet at det vil skabe øget stabilitet og 3) de tidligere Øststater trygler om at blive beskyttet. En idé der ikke kan sælges bedre er der noget alvorligt galt med!

Meget taler imod ekspansion. Ingen kan få øje på trusler af den art, NATO er gearet til at møde, men ekspansion er en sikker måde at skabe dem på. Russiske ledere udtaler ikke trusler men bekymring over at ekspansionen vil spille nationalister, gammelkommunister og militarister i hænde, og forsvage demokratiske kræfter. De har ret. Men statsloyale sikkerhedseksperter og lederskribenter tolker deres bekymring overbærende, russerne er jo bagud, forstår ikke den nye tid. Forøvrigt skal Vesten ikke opgive ekspansionen fordi russerne grymter, siges det med foragt for årsag og virkning.

Lande, der ikke kommer med nu, blir sandwichede mellem ekspansionen og et Rusland, der føler sig ydmyget og derfor kan blive truende. Ekspansion vil uvægerligt påvirke samarbejdet mellem Rusland og Vesten negativt. Med det russiske konventionelle forsvars elendige forfatning vil NATOs ekspansion få russiske strateger til at opgradere atomvåbnenes relative betydning ligesom visse kredse vil overveje at Vesten ryggen og nærme sig Kina. Altså er det godt at man i NATO ikke ét øjeblik tillader den kætterske tanke, den frie debat, om hvorvidt atomvåbnene bør være alliancens grundlag!

Ved at satse på disse NATO-ekspansioner bruger man en bunke penge, der kunne være anvendt ikke bare blandt de 49% fattigste men til fælles projekter i Øst- og Vesteuropa og til afhjælpning af arbejdsløsheden, der pudsigt nok for Tysklands vedkommende sammenfalder med landets markering af styrke udadtil.

Ved at satse på just NATO vil der hverken være politisk eller intellektuel energi og resurser til at udvikle alternativer såsom defensivt forsvar, fælles sikkerhed, ny konflikt-håndtering, tidlig varsling, OSCE/FN-baseret og folkelig fredsbevarelse, forsoning og genopbygning. NATO har ingen erfaring i fredsbevarelse eller konfliktløsning, kun i militær planlægning, afspænding og konfliktbevarelse i det afdøde topagtssystem under den hedengangne Kolde Krig.

Mens den virkelige verden har brug for kraftfulde løsninger på manifeste problemer sidder realpolitiken autistiskt fast i en ekspansiv kamp mod fiktive trusler, der skaber eksakt det man deklaratorisk vil undgå, nemlig økonomsisk krise, ustabilitet og nye trusler.

Hvorfor gøre noget som så meget taler imod og så lidt taler for? Jeg tror det kan besvares meget enkelt: NATOs ekspansioner blev nødvendige, fordi NATO i sig selv ikke længere var nødvendigt. Og så kan man gætte på uudtalte årsager: 1) Vestens angst for at blive overhalet af andre civilisationer, 2) Balkans fortsatte kaos, samt 3) den ulmende konflikt om de nye oliefund i Azerbaijan og det Kaspiske Hav (store som eller større end Mellemøstens) og “pipeline krigen” om hvorledes man skal sikre transporten af den.

Den patologiskt energi- og varemisbrugende kapitalistiske Vestverden, der tillige er programmeret til monoteistisk mission, må ekspandere horisontelt til stadig flere og vertikalt ned i rødderne af hvert samfund. De der ikke synes om dét udgør en trussel.

Så leve det ny-ekspansive NATO uden hvilket man kunne risikere at mennesker ville få den frygtelige tanke at ting og sager burde — og kunne — gøres på mangfoldige andre måder.

PhD, Peace & future researcher + ‌Art Photographer, Professor Emeritus and media commentator

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Below are TFF-related media mentions, comments, videos and social media posts published elsewhere but not on this homepage. We happen to catch and list only a fraction. Regarding video comments and debates, we recommend that you go to the TFF Video Channel on Substack where many of them are reproduced. Jan Oberg is a contributor to China Daily – 52 million daily clicks – and Global Times, CGTN and CCTV (the national television), China Investment, Xinhua News Agency and several others. Articles and videos on these media very often multiply into countless Chinese (and Western media) that re-post them from these main media. Thanks to The China Academy, his analyses, interviews and comments are frequently posted on YouTube channels such as Thinkers Forum and Wave Media. These videos are often re-posted on Bilibili (China’s YouTube), the China Content Center on TikTok, and on the Chinese edition of TikTok, Douyin.com. This means reaching hundreds of millions of viewers worldwide over a year. While there are too many to catch on all these...