“The G8 foreign ministers’ declaration of principles
to resolve the Kosovo “crisis” is a mishmash of face-saving
elements for the West and addresses none of the root causes
of the conflict or the failure of the West as a mediator,”
says TFF director Jan Oberg. “This declaration may be used
to justify continued bombing and, if implemented, promises a
very sad future for the Balkans. But ‘conflict illiteracy’
abounds, so leading media call it a peace plan – repeating
their treatment of Rambouillet.” Here follows the full G8
text of principles as published by BBC on May
6.
– – – – –
“The following general principles must be adopted and
implemented to resolve the Kosovo crisis:
* Immediate and verifiable end of violence and repression
in Kosovo.
* Withdrawal from Kosovo of military, police and
paramilitary forces.
* Deployment in Kosovo of effective international civil
and security presences, endorsed and adopted by the United
Nations, capable of guaranteeing the achievement of the
common objectives.
* The establishment of an interim administration for
Kosovo, to be decided by the Security Council of the United
Nations to ensure conditions for a peaceful and normal life
for all inhabitants for Kosovo.
* The safe and free return of all refugees and displaced
persons and unimpeded access to Kosovo by humanitarian aid
organisations.
* A political process towards the establishment of an
interim political framework. An agreement providing for
substantial self-government for Kosovo, taking full account
of the Rambouillet accords and the principles and
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and other countries of the region and
the demilitarisation of the UCK.
* Comprehensive approach to the economic development and
stabilisation of the crisis region.”
– – – – –
“Here are 10 reasons why this declaration can be seen as
another peace plan fraud:
1. The ministers call this a “crisis” and not a
“conflict” or a “war.” That indicates that their purpose is
to create a face-saving formula for the crisis created by
NATO’s Balkan bombing blunder. People in
Yugoslavia (FRY), the Kosovars in particular and the
surrounding countries see it as a conflict that exploded in
war and aggression. The principles grasp none of the deep
roots of the conflict itself and focus on none of the needs
of the peoples living in the region.
2. They avoid reference to NATO’s bombing and under what
conditions it would stop.
3. The ministers begin with withdrawal of FRY forces
(which, all or some, from where to where?) and ends with a
general reference to (later) demilitarisation of the UCK
under the point “political process.” This continues the lack
of balance – introduced last year by ambassador Holbrooke –
in dealing with two fighting parties/forces in a civil
war.
4. It does not state whether all or some FRY forces shall
be withdrawn. It mentions ‘demilitarization’ of UCK, but can
there be an Army without weapons? If so, is this an
endorsement of the KLA-dominated ‘government’ recently
formed outside the constitution and political framework of
Kosova?
5. The ministers avoid defining the international
“presences;” but the wording ‘international civil and
security’ does represent an important move away from “NATO
alone” over “NATO lead” and “international security force
with a NATO core.” Good that the UN is, finally, to play a
role, but will it be as leader or as a hostage holding the
rubber stamp?
6. Reference to the territorial integrity and sovereignty
of FRY is not enough. The declaration does not mention that
FRY shall be consulted about its own future. The UN Security
Council shall decide about an interim administration and the
interim political framework shall take full account of the
Rambouillet accords. But they violated the integrity and
sovereignty of FRY and were no ‘accords.’
7. The ministers seem to believe that it is an ‘interim
administration for Kosovo’ rather than a
socio-psychological, people-based peace-building process
which will bring peace to the region. This continues the
disastrous top-down ‘engineering’ or ‘managerial’ approach
to conflict where a shift to consultation, trust-building,
and regeneration of civil society is much needed.
8. The declaration is most interesting for what it does
not say a word about, namely: a) local and regional trust-
and confidence-building, b) consulting with FRY and KLA/UCK
and Dr. Rugova, c) negotiations between the conflict’s core
parties, and d) a Balkan regional approach and
process.
9. The ministers avoid mentioning any regret or apology
to the peoples of Yugoslavia for the civilian deaths and
damage caused – and thus fails pitifully to open the door to
reconciliation between NATO countries and the 10 million
citizens of FRY. Lacking both in self-criticism and empathy,
the G8 believes that NATO countries can get away with first
failing in violence-prevention, then in impartial mediation
and now in aggression and then become a trusted, legitimate
peacemaker!
10. With so many crucial issues left out and so much
vagueness, FRY is likely to ask for clarifications or say no
– and then NATO can legitimate continued bombing of those
who say no to ‘peace principles.’
This document fails to open a single door to genuine
conflict-solution. It addresses neither the original roots
causes of the Albanian-Serb conflict, nor the much worse
regional and world crisis created by NATO’s disastrous
policies.
The imprecisions, the omissions, the shortness, the
contradictions and the absence of any expression of empathy
with human suffering indicate the deep divisions among the
drafters. Russia is ‘on board’ this – if they are – only
because the West is more important to it than Kosovo. I
would be surprised if Yugoslavia perceives it as anything
but window-dressing. It is tragic that the most powerful
leaders have learnt no lessons about conflict-resolution. To
paraphrase Einstein, with NATO’s bombings since March 24,
everything has changed except the most powerful leaders’ way
of thinking about conflict and ‘peace’ and thus we drift
towards more catastrophes,” predicts Jan Oberg.
© TFF 1999
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