Earlier published by ACCORD in South Africa

Introduction

United Nations peace-keeping operations have increasingly entered internal conflict areas, in which the role of an overstrained United Nations has become more complex, comprehensive and, consequently, more demanding, The United Nations now routinely faces challenges which do not always fit into a “first” or “second” generation of peace-keeping and the Member States are less inclined to be involved in operations which are considered politically insecure or may develop into costly undertakings where lives may be lost, thus creating difficulties in national and domestic politics. If peace-keeping is to remain one of the United Nations’ most important instruments for securing world peace, it requires improved as well as new peace-keeping mechanisms in areas where the international community faces potential or existing conflicts. This not only obligates greater efforts by the Member States to provide a timely availability of troops and to have them more rapidly deployed, but it also requires them to explore and find other means for more progressive and improved peace-keeping.

So far civilians have been used to a certain extent, but institutionalizing their participation similar to the military employment, has rarely been discussed. Is it feasible to expand civilian participation or in some functions replace military personnel with civilians and thus improve the flexibility and ability of an operation, or can a cadre of civilians make the same contribution as a contingent of military observers? This article discusses the possibility of a more frequent and conceptualized use of civilians which might enhance the capacity of peace-keeping. It is not an academic essay or an analytical exercise but more an attempt to describe some areas and operational functions where civilian peace-keepers may be used. Initially the document describes peace-keeping in its historical context emphasizing the shift from military observing and reporting operations to current multi-dimensional operations and their increased involvement of civilians. The next part briefly assesses the future and the possibilities to be considered; and the last part proposes an enlargement of the civilian participation in peace-keeping operations and the establishment of a civilian peace monitor corps to be deployed in international and/or regional settings.

Peace-keeping and the Historical Context

Peace-keeping was born out of necessity and became a practical mechanism for containing conflicts and facilitating their settlement. From the very outset, the concept was based primarily on two principles: that United Nations peace-keeping operations should take place only with the consent of the States concerned, and that force should not be applied to end the hostilities.

Since these very first days of the peace-keeping endeavor, United Nations efforts in the maintenance of peace have passed through several phases of development. The first period between 1948 and 1956, was an experimental phase, in which the United Nations introduced an international observation and reporting system with a view to maintain fragile cease-fires. United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) and United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) originate from this time and both are still in existence. The next phase–1956 to 196–was characterized by escalating tension by the two super Powers. Increasing rivalry for hegemony in the third world fueled conflicts and in order to help achieve the cease-fire and maintain international peace, peace-keeping forces were launched in the Sinai, Congo and in Cyprus. The introduction of military forces was an innovative challenge. The instrument was further refined, and terms such as “buffer zones,” “interposition” and “multi-dimensional” were used for the first time. Although, in the beginning great expectations were placed on these forces, the deteriorating climate between East-West and the impaired financial situation of the United Nations hampered the further use of the peace-keeping instrument and the peace-keepers entered what might be called the dormant period–1967-1973. Due to the Yom Kippur War peace-keeping was encouraged and revitalized and some new operations were established in Sinai (again) and on the Golan Heights. Up to this time, peace-keeping operations were mainly policing forces in which the military elements were predominating. Except for the operation in Congo, few civilians were employed.

The end of the Cold War altered the tone of United Nations peace and security activities and the international community witnessed a dramatic development, which testified to the changes in the political environment . The newly established harmony between the major Powers contributed to the Security Council’s capability for solving long-standing conflicts and the United Nations was inundated with requests for peace-keeping operations. Operations in South West Africa (later Namibia) and Central America experienced a new dynamic–more complex and more comprehensive peace-keeping, in which the United Nations was asked to advance international peace and security on a wider scale. This new development required combining traditional peace-keeping with some novel methods such as upholding basic legal standards, monitoring of local police forces, supervision of elections and humanitarian assistance. As a consequence the employment of civilians increased considerably. So far peace-keeping adhered more or less to the traditional concept but the development in Cambodia, Somalia and former the Yugoslavia changed the pattern. The United Nations now became involved in conflicts which were more of intra-state character and the complexity and comprehensive nature of these conflicts sometimes went beyond the capacity of the United Nations. The massive intervention in these countries produced some gray areas between peace-keeping and peace-enforcement and sometimes the combination of political and humanitarian mandates was less successful. Despite considerable financial and political support, some very visible operations were not fully achieved; often they were launched too late to be effective; and became too expensive to sustain international support.

Between 1948 and 1987, the United Nations had initiated 13 peace-keeping operations but only five of them were still in existence in 1988, of which four were related to -state conflicts and only one to an intra-state dispute. Out of the 28 operations established 1988-1996, only eight may be referred to as conflicts of inter-state character and the rest considered as intra-state conflicts.

As a result, the international community is now more concerned with the major causes of systemic and intractable violent conflict such as ethnic, religious and socio-economic factors with less emphasis on preventing or containing conflicts between nations. Although security and stability remain a major problem, the means to achieve it have changed dramatically. Today there is a new political context that requires a broader and more collaborative approach, which considers traditional notions of diplomacy along with the socio-economic development of nations and peoples involved in conflict. Therefore, the use of highly visible tools, such as multilateral peace-keeping forces, is no longer always feasible.

The Experience of the Expansion and Functions of Civilians in Peace-keeping (Peace) Operations

Experiences indicate that the Member States are less inclined to be involved in operations which are considered politically insecure or might develop into costly undertakings or with the loss of lives and thus create difficulties in domestic politics. Therefore, the use of traditional peace-keeping operations has become less common and as a result the number of peace-keeping troops has decreased from 75,000 in mid-1994 to 25,000 in mid-1997. Compared with previous and traditional peace-keeping operations, this @second@ generation of peace-keeping has also witnessed a dramatic enlargement of civilian participation mostly as a result of several operations having become more accessible and more humanitarian in nature. The following section briefly discusses the preconditions and consequences of the military and civilian employment.

Military Forces (Force Level Missions)

Peace-keeping has developed from what is sometimes called first generation (traditional) to second generation peace-keeping activities. The first generation of peace-keeping consists of operations where maintenance of cease-fires and separation of forces were the major objectives and the second generation operations are generally said to include; preventive deployment; implementation of comprehensive settlements; and protection of humanitarian operations during continuing conflicts. There is a significant difference in staffing between first and second generations of peace-keeping. The traditional operations employed primarily military personnel although some civilian functions, particularly in the administrative fields, were staffed by civilians from the United Nations Secretariat. The second generation of peace-keeping witnessed a multiplicity in the operational demands which could not be met by the military and subsequently civilian personnel were recruited to a greater extent. Initially, they were employed from the Secretariat but due to the increasing need, the recruitment was later expanded to include the United Nations system and thus all UN organizations and UN agencies. However, the expansion of peace-keeping and its comprehensive activities, particularly in Cambodia, Somalia and the former Yugoslavia asked for a further enlargement of the civilian components, which forced the Organization to find suitable candidates from outside the system. Unfortunately, this recruitment too often resulted in employment of unqualified personnel with limited ability and almost non-existent knowledge and understanding of United Nations political and operational concepts.

Observer and Similar Missions

In addition to the force level missions, sometimes combined or under command, there are observer or verification missions. The Observer Missions emanate from the end of the 40s and in the Cold War era, five Military Observer Missions were set up and assigned tasks such as supervising a cease-fire and/or an armistice agreement, verifying the withdrawal of troops and monitoring border areas. In general, the officers are full-time professionals but some countries have contributed part-time reserve officers. This healthy blend of professionals and @civilians@ has proven to be useful, particularly in mission where a high level of hostile military activities are not prevailing. Experience demonstrates that the military observers have been an excellent complement to peace-keeping forces, since their “unarmed” presence is generally not considered as a threat to the conflicting parties. Due to these circumstances the military observers have, in a number of operations, been able to promote consent and positive cooperation not only between the United Nations and the conflicting parties, but also between the parties themselves and not surprisingly, their tasks have gradually been expanded to include duties within the humanitarian, political, administrative and logistical areas. Their ability and general competence has proven that services of military observers quite often overlap both military and civilian functions and therefore they may be considered more or less as General Purpose Officers.

With the expansion of United Nations peace-keeping other types of observer missions were established such as: civilian police monitor missions; geographical observers mission (UNHCOI in Iraq); @verifiers@ (UNSCOM in Iraq); election monitors; election observers, and EC monitors, etc. In general these missions only employ civilians, although some with a military background, whose functional titles like supervisors, monitors and observers indicate the level of responsibility. Even if the military observers have gained an excellent reputation, the question arises if in the future their military appearance (uniform) is more required than their general competence, and if this is the case, is it possible that some of their traditional functions can be the responsibility of civilians with the necessary experience. The question concerning uniform is important as the uniform serves as a recognized and visible confirmation of the international community=s support of a mission and that the host country has officially accepted the presence of national and international bodies.

Civilian Police

In the beginning of the 60s the first civilian police mission was deployed in Cyprus as a complement to the already existing peace-keeping force. Under the umbrella of the force, the mission had a weak mandate and its usefulness was sometimes questioned. However, the gained experience became important and served as useful guidance when the civilian police concept was extended to other missions. The financial and political constraints on United Nations peace-keeping promoted an increased deployment of civilian police contingents and particularly the huge missions in the beginning of the 90s witnessed contingents of several hundreds of police officers . Their “unarmed” presence and non-military appearance made them more politically eligible than military observers and their tasks, with no law enforcement power, comprised of monitoring/counseling of local police activities concerning basic security and law-and-order e.g. criminal investigation, arrest/detention and crowd control. In the last years their duties have been further expanded to include training and assistance in creation of reliable police forces in countries where the law and order resources are not adequate. In their specific role the civilian police monitors have proven to be an excellent instrument in the peace-keeping environment and except for some general areas their functions can not be handled by civilian personnel.

Security Components

Traditionally, provision of security has been a task for peace-keeping units which were repeatedly asked to provide secure conditions for international personnel engaged in humanitarian activities. Although gradually accepted, the last years experiences have resulted in a reluctance from not only the providers and beneficiaries but from involved humanitarian agencies and organizations as well. There are various reasons for this, but the involvement of military forces in humanitarian operations has not always been appreciated and has raised a number of conceptual and operational questions. Therefore other means have been explored. United Nations Guard Contingent in Iraq was established in 1991 as a response to the requirement of security for the humanitarian community working in Northern Iraq. Its operations are based on three elements: the local authorities, the humanitarian community, and the UN Guard. The operational concept consists of protection and confidence-building activities in which the three elements are simultaneously responsible. These kinds of burden-sharing activities have contributed to an enhancement of the security environment which has allowed the humanitarian community to efficiently provide assistance to suffering groups. A study undertaken by the UN Department for Humanitarian Affairs, recognized the usefulness in utilizing civilians instead of military entities. Although dressed in the uniforms of the United Nations security, the organization is considered as a civilian entity. This interesting but little-known concept deserves closer attention particularly in combination with the concept of the new safe-and-rescue unit currently deployed in Haiti.

Civilian Functions

In the early years of peace-keeping and particularly in the Cold War era, the civilians were mainly personnel from Field Administration Division (which later became Field Administration and Logistic Division), United Nations. Their main responsibility was to provide all the administrative and logistic support which was not directly provided by in the operation participating Governments. In the end of the 80s and beginning of the 90s, the involvement of the civilians had largely expanded and particularly where a peace-keeping operation had to perform duties which were of non-military nature. In missions such as those in Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia and Somalia the civilians, a part from their traditional support to the military forces, performed duties similar to those of a civilian society, as well as large and mandated humanitarian assistance programmes. The involvement of civilians changed the peace-keeping concept. The military dominance decreased and their operations were mainly mandated to support and protect the humanitarian activities. The second generation of peace-keeping was born and assumed that a more robust role of the military elements should be an advantage in enhancement of a secure environment and thus facilitating the delivery of humanitarian commodities in affected areas. The combination of military and humanitarian mandates raised conceptual and operational concerns and has fostered the international reluctance to deploy peace-keeping operations with any kind of enforcement capability. Not much has been written about the civilians and their lessons learned in peace-keeping although there is a comprehensive documentation and a number of studies on the political and humanitarian activities and their impact on affected populations. It is estimated that the number of civilian working directly in an operation authorized by the Security Council has increased in traditional peace-keeping from 6-9 percent up to approximately 20 percent during the last huge operations.

The Future

The peace-keeping world was, by the nature of the conflicts, a military world, and there was, very understandably, a bias for the military vocabulary and terminology. Although the language is understood, it is not always correctly interpreted by the civilian community and vice versa. Already with the word Aconflict@ there is–a conflict. Currently the words, pre conflict, conflict and post conflict, are used in an attempt to define the level (sort of) and the period of diverse interests. Conflicts are possible whenever or wherever diverse interests are activated. Consequently it may be argued that a conflict is always present either as a potential or as an existing conflict. Thus, conflicts are inevitable and dramatic changes, to a certain extent, preventable. Correct or not–conflicts have their own identities and there are always numerous attempts to define and establish different categories of conflicts. Nevertheless, adequate preparations for the next century demand an analysis of potential and existing conflicts.

Future Conflicts

Mohammed Sahnoun (UN/OAU Representatives ..???) has discussed five realistic potential and/or existing conflicts. Some of them may be argued not to be relevant but the lessons learned proves that violence may be a potential outcome of all of them : (i) failure in creation of nation states where a slow process of national integration may experience a dangerous process that causes monopolization of power by a specific ethnic group; (ii) products of a colonial legacy are mostly linked with the drawing of borders by the colonial powers, but also unrealistic constitutions are linked to an uncertainty in which marginal population found themselves after independence; (iii). products of Cold War legacy where commenced liberation wars or social revolts became compounded and where old links are still maintained to dubious forces in the outside world; (iv) conflicts of religious character where the population is separated along religious lines and where populations are the victims of manipulation from over-ambitious leaders; and (v) conflicts of socio-economic character where the conditions are perceived incorrectly and violence is a potential outcome in the absence of a democratic system.

Although briefly referred to, the analysis indicates the new pattern of conflicts in which the military conflicts no longer are the dominating factor. Instead the conflicts appear to be more of national or regional nature where injustices of various kinds seems to be the prevailing factor. The root causes must be addressed and the involvement of military forces seems to be less required. Use of the military capacity can, however, never be excluded but should, if necessary, be used more as a coercive force in combination with other more rewarding mechanisms as later indicated.

Future Operations

Although the United Nations in recent years has greatly improved its capacity in managing complex emergencies, the Organization is to find further innovations if it is to be prepared for the challenges of the next century. Recognizing the current development of possible conflicts, a new generation of peace-keeping is considered: the “inducement of peace” operations. These operations–third generation if implemented–have the intent of restoring civil societies where they have broken down by using two applications “(i) the use of positive incentives to induce, in the first instance, consent and cooperation with the peace operation and beyond that reconciliation and (ii) the threat of coercion to gain consent and cooperation”. The major objective with inducement of peace operations is an active approach to promote the peace-building process including political objectives. (The Namibia operation may serve as a foundation).

In the “positive inducement”, the strategy is not to detain or contain but rather and initially to convince and later, if so required, to influence the conflicting parties by providing positive rewards such as development assistance of various kinds – or simply to find substantial means for rebuilding the confidence among and between the parties. However, to implement this strategy requires a new philosophy. An understanding of the local complexity and a flexible response at various levels but also a knowledge of the “rewarding tool” are expedient. The technique requires civilian or military personnel with an excellent understanding not only of the conflict itself but also of the local implications of the conflict, as well as a profound knowledge of the various means available for the “rewarding” implementation. Under these circumstances the possibility to mobilize national or regional competence should be explored.

The second option “the threat of coercion” intends to intimidate non-cooperating elements into cooperating. When the objective has been achieved and necessary consent/assurance obtained then a positive inducement operation ensues. “Such an operation takes into account that consent was granted only in the face of the intimidating force and that a credible force is required if consent is to be maintained. Simultaneously, however, it operates on the basis of freely-given consent on the part of much of the population and regards this as a valuable asset to be protected and nurtured”. The limitations are obvious and the lessons learned from the past less successful operations indicate the difficulties. However, to be successful it requires a “credible coercive capacity” force. Nevertheless, “coercive inducement” should not be considered as an isolated activity but more as a complement to “positive inducement”–or very simply–a responsive and flexible use of the carrot and the stick. Thus the positive inducement requires a more broad and rewarding approach, the coercive objective probably demands a more robust solution and subsequently it becomes more an obligation for the military.

To challenge future conflicts the international community must be flexible. Peace-keeping is one of the means at which one generation of peace-keeping should not exclude the use of the others. The two generations of peace-keeping together with a new third generation will provide necessary and flexible response when the peace-keeping tool is to be used.

Requirements

Since the conflicts seem to be less military in nature and instead a more complex blend of political exploitation and severe socio-economic injustices and factionalism, there is a requirement to broaden the understanding of existing conflicts and a need to create a common culture of preventive action and peace-building and less of peace-keeping as experienced. This can only be achieved with a more de-centralized system and with involvement from all parties concerned which subsequently requires a mechanism with necessary institutional and conceptual arrangements enabling a better mobilization of the civilian capacity. Although less in demand, the new generation of peace-keeping must further widen its competence, and civilians should be more conceptually integrated than in previous operations. Such an integration will allow the future missions to have a more constructive and confidence-building character than in the past.

Some Possible Solutions

Utilization of Civilian Personnel in Peace-keeping Forces

All operations, as all complex organizations, consist of a variety of functions which respond to a specific task. The following break down of a multi-dimensional force in functions, and thus separating the military from the civilian function, clearly shows where there are requirements for civil personnel. The following should not be considered as a complete definition of the different and various roles but more an indication of the areas where civilian personnel may be used:Involvment of:

Functional AreasMil. ForcesMil.PersCiv, PolCiv.Pers
Military Functions:
Observation and verification of cease-firesMFMPCIVPOLCP
Observation of buffer zones and withdrawal of foreign troopsMFMP
Separation of forcesMFMP
Demobilization and destruction of weaponsMFMPCIVPOL
Establishment of secure conditions for delivery of humanitarian suppliesMF
Preventive deploymentMFMP
Enforcement actionsMF
Civilian Police Functions:
Monitoring, training and counseling of national/local police forcesCIVPOL
Investigation of human right abusesMPCIVPOLCP
Protection (Haiti)CIVPOL
Governmental/Political Functions:
Ensuring political independenceMFMPCIVPOLCP
Management of communal strifeMFMPCIVPOL
Negotiation with non-governmental entitiesMPCIVPOLCP
Assumption of temporary governmental authority and administrationMPCIVPOLCP
Administration and conduct of elections/referendumsMPCIVPOLCP
Verification of human rights agreementsMPCIVPOLCP
Civil Functions:
Humanitarian assistanceMFMPCIVPOLCP
Repatriation of refugeesMFMPCIVPOLCP
Management of local disputesCIVPOLCP
Confidence-building measuresMFMPCIVPOLCP
Provision of security (Iraq)CIVPOLCP

This figure clearly testifies the multiplicity of United Nations peace-keeping from military policing to multi-disciplinary functions, in which the political element, humanitarian intervention/assistance and development assistance are significant and expanding subjects. Some are simple and obvious and some more interesting. For example it is believed that properly trained civilians can assume some tasks concerning observation and verification of cease-fires. Although it has been done to a certain extent it can be done more extensively. The establishment of a civilian peace monitor corps or an increased employment of civilians in the military observer are both feasible solutions. A 50/50 percent mix of civilian and military observer will provide necessary efficiency, visible confirmation of international support (the use of national uniforms) and an healthy utilization of the civilian and military competence. The figure also communicates the overwhelming presence of military forces and other military personnel which puts pressure on the civilians when the military, for political or other reasons, is not participating. The figure also shows the usefulness of civilian police personnel which have the capacity to serve as a useful bridge between the military and civilian functions In light of this, it is obvious that the need to find and mobilize capacities outside the military establishment are far more demanding than currently addressed.

However, it is not only a question of quality but also of quantity, which surfaces another problem. The civilian society is not organized as the military establishment and even if the resources exist, the question of accessibility still remains: How to find appropriate means to mobilize and prepare available assets? To mobilize the civilian capacity, more attention should be given to the establishment of a focal point which should advocate a better cooperation and collaboration between and among regional/sub-regional and non-Governmental organizations. Such an arrangement should permanently assist the United Nations as well as the regional/international community to engage and prepare appropriate resources for a prompt and timely response. Subsequently, the United Nations would thereafter gradually share its burden of diplomatic and operational activities with regional organizations/institutions and non-Governmental organizations not only in international conflict management but also in the national or regional settings.

Establishment of a Civilian Peace Monitor Corps

These challenges, combined with pressures on scarce United Nations (and national) resources and less involvement from external powers, manifest the obligation to find an instrument capable of meeting the increasing requirements of the new political and humanitarian environment. In this respect, considerable attention should be given to the feasibility of institutionalization and education of civilian professionals, not only to supplement military peace-keeping forces but also by establishment of a separate peace monitoring and confidence-building instrument. Eligible individuals with needed knowledge and experience should be further trained in a systematic way and thus be able to undertake functions which generally comprise preventive activities, peace monitoring and assistance in the peace-building processes. Governmental assistance, political advice and assistance in humanitarian emergencies are all tasks that fall under these overreaching functions. Such a civilian cadre, with all its potential expertise, should be established within appropriate regional and sub-regional organizations and dispatched to areas in conflict at the apropriate time.

Capacity-building requires not only that the civilians have a good working knowledge of a complex multi-disciplinary system, but also that they acquire the ability to handle these intricate concerns. Therefore, the objectives will be to establish a peace monitor corps and to provide a better and coherent knowledge of the political and humanitarian environment but also to the theories of modern conflict management in general and the United Nations` role in maintaining international peace and security in particular. Additionally, they will be given an improved understanding of the military elements in peace-keeping settings. Considering the national context and existing resources, it is further required to explore the potential for a combined national mobilization of military officers, civilian police and civilian professionals. The main objective should encompass the following:

  • to build a corps of international peace monitors which are adequately trained/educated and prepared for immediate dispatch to duty in the international/regional arena;
  • to augment the knowledge and proficiency of the region concerning the United Nations role in international, political and security orders;
  • to explore the potential for increased combined utilization of military officers, civilian police and civilian professionals in the international/regional arena
  • to improve the civilian/military relations.

Although, the expressed idea concerning a peace monitor cadres is tentative and requires further development and conceptualization, it outlines the possibilities to build a new structure which goes far beyond the traditional and highly centralized approach that currently exists. It is expected that a realization of a peace monitor corps will provide the international community with an efficient and cost-effective instrument with a broad knowledge and understanding of political and humanitarian operations, and with a flexible competence which can be utilized in most United Nations operations. It is assumed that the monitors should have such integrity that they also are able to undertake national and regional collaborative endeavors in the field, as required. Such burden-sharing undertakings will broaden the mechanics of mediation and conciliation and provide opportunities to monitor existing or potential conflicts and advocate peaceful solutions.

Conclusions

In the past military officers have dominated the stage and their professionalism and knowledge have been valuable assets for the operational management of complex situations. Their resources and military education have made them suitable for conflict management where disputes have escalated to hostilities and volatile situations, and where the military machinery has become a necessity. Their experience and professionalism advocated a new strategy for peace-keeping and in the beginning of the 90s, the world experienced the second generation of peace-keeping. However, the new political environment and the nature of existing and potential conflicts demands a more comprehensive and far-reaching approach. Conflicts need to be addressed at an early stage where the root causes and underlying differences require a new and more human approach. Preventive actions and peace-building must be considered as the global objectives Therefore, the next generation of peace-keeping must be more progressive and civilian in nature in order to keep up with these new requirements. Subsequently, the civilian society must be mobilized in a more coherent way.

This article has outlined the possibilities for an expanded use of civilians in UN peace-keeping. The needed civilian resources exist (of course) and should be utilized not only in the military operations but even more extensively by creating a new and innovative instrument suitable for the new environment. In order to realize these objectives, the United Nations, regional organizations and non-Governmental organizations need to develop an institutional cooperation, enabling the international community to meet the challenges of the next century.

Note

Minor parts of this article have been used in articles concerning Psychological Aspects on Peace-keeping on the Ground presented to the College of William & Mary in Williamsburg, Virginia, US, d UN Guard Contingent in Iraq presented to Department of Humanitarian Affairs, United Nations and as a resource to the Conflict Management and Peace Monitor Program developed for the Central American region

Sources

Five realistic root causes to a conflict; M. Sahnoun: Talk given CIIR October 1995

Inducement of peace: A Annan: Peace Operations and the Un; Preparation for the Next Century

Indications of social Change and Emergent Conflict: Toward explanation of Conflict Processes D. Bond, the Harvard University US (A position paper)

.

Copyright: C. Hårleman 1998

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Tony Robinson October 4, 2026 Violence is easy to recognise when someone is being beaten, shot or killed. It becomes more difficult when nobody is holding a weapon. Poverty, discrimination, exploitation and repression can restrict a human life just as effectively, although they do so in very different ways and with very different consequences. Simply adding more categories to an ever-growing list of forms of violence does not really solve the problem. The more interesting question is what all these different situations have in common and why it makes sense to describe them using the same word. Human beings do not simply react to what happens around them. They remember the past, imagine things that do not yet exist, make plans and undertake projects. Workers organise because they imagine different working conditions; people migrate because they imagine another life somewhere else; social movements emerge because people refuse to accept the...
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It’s a matter of principles, courage, vision and pulling together – while the militarist world is falling apart… Peter Langille October 3, 2026 “Here, then, is the problem which we present to you, stark and dreadful and inescapable: Shall we put an end to the human race; or shall mankind renounce war?”The Bertrand Russell—Albert Einstein Manifesto, July 9, 1955 ⁕ The forecast for what’s ahead is worrisome. The sharp rise in armed conflicts over the past three years is adding to what was already the highest level in over seventy years. Genocides, which should be prevented are supported. A shared climate emergency that jeopardises survival is ignored. Diverse polls now suggest that people are war-weary, worried and interested in a more effective United Nations. And, there are viable policy options for a more secure world! Yet governments are doubling-down, betting on more war and investing heavily. If current trends persist,...
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Johan Galtung 1930-2024October 2015 Published here on October 3, 2026 Let us focus on Civilization for conflict analysis and remedies. Major forms of disorder use violence; war is state organized violence. The most belligerent states are the United States of America and Israel, both with civilization roots. National Evangelism, the US Protestant Christian civilization– more national than evangelical–justifies US warfare as exceptionalism of a people chosen by God, with a manifest destiny to run the world. Orthodox Judaism justifies Israeli warfare to conquer and expand from Nile to Euphrates as a religious right and duty to the Eternal One. The third most belligerent country, the UK, no longer believes it is God-chosen but chosen by the USA; not quite the same but something. But the root cause of global disorder lies in the Occident–with Islam–seeing itself as the single, universal civilization valid for all at all times, all others being...
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Jan ObergPhD, director, The Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research, TFFLund, Sweden October 2, 2026 This is my full original manuscript. The Chinese Academy of Social Science, CASS, makes two publications out if it. 1. China’s Five-year plan emphasized the capabilities of basic research and original innovation. It is regarded as the goal of the future social development, which, as required, should be significantly enhanced. Can you comment on the importance of original innovation in research and academic study? I believe it is easier to define “original innovation” in the natural sciences than in social sciences. The breaking points of what constitutes something new, or innovative, are not quite as sharp in the latter. But in both fields it is about opening up something that was closed, unseen, unexplored before – making manifest what was earlier latent. Innovations come in many forms and shapes – naming something that was not...
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The agreement is catastrophic both because of what it says and what it doesn’t mention. It reduces further the major asset of security policies: Freedom of action. Jan Oberg TFF director September 25, 2026 A couple of hours before the agreement was signed on September 22, 2026, I published the following 13 hypotheses about what it would most likely contain on TFF Substack (in English). I was wrong on only the first point. Contrary to what Trump had written on his Truth Social platform, it does not appear to come into force immediately. In fact, it turned out to be worse than even I had anticipated. After these hypotheses now come a number of reflections in light of what the agreement actually contains, and does not contain, as well as the way in which it has generally been presented by major media outlets and by the public-service broadcaster DR. My...
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Below are TFF-related media mentions, comments, videos and social media posts published elsewhere but not on this homepage. We happen to catch and list only a fraction. Regarding video comments and debates, we recommend that you go to the TFF Video Channel on Substack where many of them are reproduced. Jan Oberg is a contributor to China Daily – 52 million daily clicks – and Global Times, CGTN and CCTV (the national television), China Investment, Xinhua News Agency and several others. Articles and videos on these media very often multiply into countless Chinese (and Western media) that re-post them from these main media. Thanks to The China Academy, his analyses, interviews and comments are frequently posted on YouTube channels such as Thinkers Forum and Wave Media. These videos are often re-posted on Bilibili (China’s YouTube), the China Content Center on TikTok, and on the Chinese edition of TikTok, Douyin.com. This means reaching hundreds of millions of viewers worldwide over a year. While there are too many to catch on all these...