Af Anne Applebaum

30 juni, 2004

Man behøver hverken særlig sikkerhedsgodkendelse eller fortrolig information for at begribe størrelsesordenen af, hvad der er hændt i USAs hemmelige fængsler. Enhver, som vil forbinde de enkelte punkter til en sammenhængende figur, kan gøre det. For at se hvad jeg mene,r skal du bare gennemgå nogle få sager, som man nemt kan finde på internet.

Sag 1: “Tortur papiret”, skrevet i august 2002 af justitsministeriets kontor for juridisk rådgivning efter anmodning fra CIA og siden Det hvide Hus. Papiret argumenterer for, “at det kan retfærdiggøres” at tortere Al Qaeda mistænkte. Papiret, som blev bragt på Washington Post’s hjemmeside den første uge i juni, indeholder også spekulationer om, at international ret, som kategorisk forbyder tortur “, kan stride mod forfatningen”.

Sag 2: “Rumsfeld dokumentet”. Dette dokument, gravet frem af Wall Street Journal blev skrevet af en arbejdsgruppe i Pentagon i marts 2003. Det fastslog ikke alene, at den amerikanske præsident har fuldmagt til at undgå international ret og tortere udenlandske fanger, men også, at forhørsfolk, der adlyder præsidentens ordrer, også er udenfor retsforfølgelse.

Sag 3: Fotografierne fra Abu Ghraib. Husk hvad de viste: ikke bare tortur, men vagter, som synes at være ganske sikre på deres juridiske og moralske ret til at tortere og et stort antal af uidentificeret personale, der står og ser på.

Sag 4: “Hundevidnesbyrdet”. To af hærens hundeførere, som var stationeret på Abu Ghraib har aflagt beedigede vidnesbyrd, som også Washington Post har skaffet frem, som fastslår at hærens efterretningsofficerer har givet dem ordrer til at bruge hundene til at skræmme fanger med. Hæren har udtalt, at enhver anvendelse af hunde ved forhør ville have krævet en godkendelse fra USAs militære øverstbefalende i Iraq.

Som jeg skrev – forbind prikkerne: de leder fra Det hvide Hus til Pentagon til Abu Ghraib og fra Abu Ghraib tilbage til den militære efterretningstjeneste til Pentagon og til Det hvide Hus. Det er sandt – de giver ikke et fuldstændigt billede. De afslører ikke, om det startede med direkte ordrer fra Det hvide Hus og Pentagon, som så igangsatte en kædereaktion, der førte til mishandlingen i Abu Ghraib, fangedødsfald i Afghanistan eller andre tilfælde af tortur, som vi ikke har hørt om endnu.

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Men hvem vil udfylde de hvide pletter ? Her ligger tragedien: Selvom beviserne er let tilgængelige, er der næsten ingen, der har en interesse i at presse en undersøgelse så langt igennem, som den faktisk skulle.

Det er klart at regeringen aldrig af sin frie vilje vil fortælle os, hvad Det hvide Hus vidste og hvornår de vidste det: Der er et valg på vej. Og ligesom for at understrege dette forhold lavede præsidenten alle mulige krumspring sidste uge, da han på et pressemøde blev spurgt om torturen og erklærede at “der blev udsendt instruktioner til vore folk om at overholde loven”. Men hvilken lov ? Genevekonventionerne ? Eller lovene som de ser ud i de hemmelige papirer ?

Desværre har kongressen heller ikke rigtig noget motiv til at finde svaret. Efter en smule obligatorisk postyr blev Huset tavst. Mandag forsøgte nogle af demokraterne i Husets komite for de væbnede styrker at forlange, at forsvarsministeriet skulle udlevere dokumenterne med forbindelse til Abu Ghraib. Det republikanske formandskab kvalte hurtigt dette tiltag. Imens arbejder senator John Warners komite for de væbnede styrker i et meget mageligt tempo med den eneste undersøgelse, der faktisk foregår på Capitol Hill. Med kun få arbejdsdage tilbage inden sommerferien er det svært at se, at der skulle kunne blive meget i retning af en sammenfattende rapport før valget.

Militæret foretager naturligvis sine egne undersøgelser. Men uden politisk støtte kan militæret alene ikke komme til at afsløre hvem, der præcist gav militæret sine ordrer og hvilke politiske beslutninger der skabte de betingelser, der gjorde mishandlingen mulig. Pressen arbejder også hårdt – idet mindste den del af den, som støtter den opfattelse, at forfatningen på en eller anden måde tillader tortur og altid har gjort det. Men artikler, TV rapporter og internetartikler har kun betydning, hvis de flytter offentligheden.

For i den sidste instans er det den offentlige mening, der betyder noget. Og nu afhænger alle yderligere undersøgelser af den offentlige mening. Vælgerne har nogen information nu, som vist ovenfor. Vælgerne – i sidste instans den vigtigste pressionsgruppe overfor demokratiske politikere – kan presse deres kongresmedlemmer og senatorer og deres præsident for mere. Hvis de ikke gør det, afholdes valget og nye emner kommer på dagsordenen. Hvis vi ikke får en virkelig national debat, med godkendelse i kongressen, efter en ordentlig diskussion om, hvad tortur faktisk er og hvorfor det har været ulovligt både hjemme og ude, har nogle få hemmelige udvalg ændret dette lands karakter.

Hvis vælgerne ikke kan flytte politikerne og hvis politikerne ikke er modige nok til at handle alene, kan vi vågne op en morgen og opdage, at når alt kommer til alt, har tortur altid været lovlig. Edmund Burke en konservativ filosof skrev “Alt hvad skal til for at det onde kan sejre er, at gode mænd intet gør”. Det kunne se ud til, at han havde ret.

Link til originalen: http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article6331.htm

Oversat som public service af Orla Jordal, www.jordals.dk, oversættelsen må anvendes – for fair use only – helt eller i brudstykker, så længe den dobbelte kildehenvisning fastholdes.

PS. Harvard juraprofessorer vil have klare regler for forhørspolitikken, pressemeddelelse: http://www.law.harvard.edu/news/2004/06/16_congressletter.php og selve brevet: http://www.iraq-letter.com/

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